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Orban bought up the opposition Socialists, Soros says

US financier George Soros heavily criticised Hungary's government, when speaking to journalists at the World Economic Forum in Davos. Soros made a remark which particularly caught the interest of the Hungarian press. He said Orban "bought up" the Socialist Party (MSZP) and that he has spies in every new, small party which could attract the voters. MSZP took to the airwaves to defend itself.

Among other things, Soros said that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban based his re-election on demonising him, and that the ideas attributed to him in the national consultation about the "Soros plan".
Soros said that Orban is very effective in making his "mafia state" work. The financier has used this term several times before; he recently told Financial Times that he took this term from former liberal education minister Balint Magyar. Soros also told FT that "Orban started really going wrong when he made his father rich by giving him a quasi-monopoly on road-building materials, which was a big source of wealth. That's when [Orban] started building a mafia state. It's really when he actually gained power."
Speaking in Davos Soros made a remark which particularly caught the interest of the Hungarian press. He said Orban "bought up" the Socialist Party (MSZP) and that he has spies in every new, small party which could attract the voters.

MSZP took to the airwaves to defend itself.
"If anyone should know how difficult it is to defend against baseless accusations, it is George Soros," reads the statement released Friday morning. "The fact is that we withdrew 47 candidates and created the Alliance for Change to oust Fidesz. Therefore, MSZP has paid a serious price for a change in government. Of course, one can continue to make accusations, but that would be no different than accusations of the non-existent Soros Plan."
Socialist MP Ágnes Kunhalmi also responded to Soros' remarks at the World Economic Forum in Switzerland on her Facebook page: "Fidesz says that Soros has bought MSZP and the opposition parties, Soros says Fidesz bought [MSZP and the opposition parties]. This must mean we are doing something right. George Soros can do one thing, he can vote for [prime ministerial candidate] Gergely Karácsony. <3"
Soros is not the only one to accuse MSZP of doing Fidesz's bidding. In fact, MSZP's own party members have even accused a key faction within the party of just that. The following are just two cases from 2017.
Shortly before resigning her membership in MSZP in 2017, then-MSZP MP Márta Demeter accused her party of doing what Fidesz said. Refusing to return her mandate to the Socialist party, Demeter joined Politics Can Be Different (LMP) and went on to make a name for herself by helping to expose the government's scandalous residency bond program.
Then there was also that time when MSZP's first candidate for prime minister, László Botka, got a reality check from his party.
After his own party sabotaged his candidacy and forced Botka to step down in October 2017, both Botka and Socialist MEP and party Vice President István Újhelyi made references to a "political mafia" and "outside political powers" operating within their party. Botka's ouster prompted Újhelyi to resign as party vice-president, although he retained his seat in the European Parliament.
The faction within MSZP made no secret of their displeasure with Botka after he announced plans to clean house. As early as July 2017, they were planning to hand his candidacy for prime minister over to Párbeszéd's Gergely Karácsony.
During Botka's short-lived candidacy, he accused the likes of MSZP MP Zsolt Molnár (who chairs the parliamentary national security committee) of being a traitor and Fidesz collaborator (there are signs that this may be the case). Botka vowed to rid the party of such elements. Shortly thereafter, individuals connected to Molnár played a pivotal role in undermining Botka's candidacy. Péter Tarjányi, an advisor to Molnár (and owner of, known for censoring content about the Orbán family businesses), ostensibly launched the Hungarian Progressive Movement for the purpose of replacing Botka. The movement proved to be a great success and was recently wound up.
FreeHungary has already reported back in 2014, that then Socialist PM cancidate Attila Mesterházy might heve been on Viktor Orban's Fidesz payroll.
The blundering which surrounded Unity (Összefogás) could not have been a coincidence, nor the pressing of Gordon Bajnai by both MSZP and Fidesz, intended to convince him to give up his own ambitions, nor Attila Mesterházy's suspiciously weak performance in opposition in 2014. At the same time, MSZP's presidium was gleichschalted quite successfully (in a manner that recalls Viktor Orbán's practices); moreover, it also must not be a coincidence that the Socialists' campaign went into deep sleep mode from the very first day; furthermore, the – let's just say this – 'weightlessness' of M.'s own prime ministerial campaign also cannot be a coincidence, since at a time when taking actions would have been essential, M. went skiing, then he went on to visit the U.S., so at times – when so required – he is able to disappear even for a fortnight. One must be blind to not realise that M. did not really have the intention to win the elections.
Hungarian weekly Vasárnapi Hírek/VH ('Sunday News'/VH) – which is owned by excluded and starved 'old' Socialists – has leaked just recently that M. and Árpád 'Dr. Spin' Habony held regular meetings in the past few months in the restaurant of a Buda-based private club, and no one knows what they could have been talking about. It is certain, however, that they were not only occupied with eating wild boar ribs. VH claims to know that they were discussing a possible change in ownership of Hungarian daily Népszabadság/NSZ; one thing is sure, however: at about the same time, advertisements of government-friendly company Közgép started to appear in NSZ as well as in another Hungarian daily, Népszava, and the value of those ads is about HUF 300 million (meanwhile, comments that used to display public opinion disappeared from NSZ – but that is only my opinion). What is more, some people have the feeling that the Socialist media treated Tóni 'Pasa Park' Rogán in a more favourable manner than what he would have deserved (especially when taking into account that he had an affair just before the elections which hardly could have been explained away, an affair which could have jeopardised the two-thirds majority of Fidesz). Leftist media outlet Egyenlítő Blog, unwilling to pursue the case, decided to close down its operations rather than playing up with Rogán at the urgent request of Socialist leaders – a direct contradiction (in my humble opinion) to what had happened in the Gábor Simon affair, which after a time has been treated with a modicum of equity in leftist media outlets: i.e. it was treated in an unusually repentant manner for example in NSZ. In terms of voter outcome, it managed to deprive the Hungarian left of a number of percentage points.
Allegedly at that time, MSZP is on the verge of bankruptcy (financially as well); therefore, it is in need of additional funds, which might even come from the Fidesz regime as a tribute to the good performance that MSZP (specifically M.) achieved in securing its own playing field and also in securing its demise, thereby effectively guaranteeing another landslide victory for Fidesz. In turn, we can be rest assured that the party's Chairman will be able to preserve its MLM network even on top of an MSZP defeated and ruined at the local government level as well (assuming that the whole of Hungary is an MLM network). Before that, however, the leftist intelligentsia, which must also be paid off, will convince Bajnai not to give up this time his ambitions to take his own course, which will be quite easy to do. Presumably, Gábor Fodor, who is also lacking funds, will also not receive any support anymore from Socialist circles since it is time for him to find his own half a million liberal supporters in Budapest, whereas Gyurcsány will also be allowed to continue with his quest to defy M. (or the whole Socialist Party) – thus, so to say, 'learning' from the electoral defeat of Kormányváltók ('Government Changers'), there will be no opposition alliance in Budapest in the autumn, since that is the only the way to lose Budapest, which is the next main aim of M. Namely, there is an even better place in the centralised power structure than the party list of Fidesz: the payroll of Fidesz. That is the very place where M. would like to feel well in total comfort. What is more, there is but one thing that he would never wish to happen: a Lord Mayor in Budapest coming from his own party and building up support against him (for this reason, I have the suspicion that in the end, a celebrity or a civilian will be nominated for candidate). Make no mistake: nowadays MSZP is within the centralised power structure, and in this structure, M. has a rather notable role: to maintain the status quo on the left, which benefits Fidesz as well.
Nothing else happened than what we have already reported a thousand times and at length: the political classes are unified when it comes to ruling over the people and also when it comes to diverting public funds. Now, what does it matter that citizens are crying over the fall of MSZP in the programmes of the good ole' Mr Bolgár? LOL. Putting it in a smart aleck way: panem et circenses! Do not even dream of a competitive pluralist democracy!

Two years later Freehungary reported that one of the most respected political scientist told in an interview topolitical weekly 168 Óra that the Hungarian Socialist Party is responsible for sabotaging Gordon Bajnai's prime ministerial bid during the 2014 national elections.
"The biggest player [in this political game] is the one with the most power, the prime minister, the one who has several people inside MSZP, people who – directly and indirectly – are moved around, kept alive, and instructed by Fidesz. There are those who simply try to adapt and 'make gestures', thereby sending a signal that they pose no threat. And there are those that can simply be instructed, those who are kept in line with the appropriate tactics," Szentpéteri Nagy said.
The political scientist says that MSZP is responsible for sabotaging Gordon Bajnai's prime ministerial bid during the 2014 national elections. This, according to Nagy, is also evident in the manner in which "a significant portion of MSZP [politicians] have seamlessly integrated into the National Cooperation System (NER)."
"MSZP itself is a naturally stable component of NER. And this is true for a large portion of the entire left-wing opposition," he said.
Szentpéteri Nagy said MSZP's current referendum mishaps are a direct result of the party's history.
"One can never start over on a completely blank sheet in politics, just as one cannot freshly re-start a marriage. One error will also lead to the next. From this either the participants learn their lesson, or at least promise not to make the same mistake again," he said.
According to Szentpéteri Nagy, MSZP – unlike the now-defunct Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ) – has not died out as the natural result of no longer serving its originally intended function as an "institutional party of the transition."
SZDSZ had served a unique purpose in serving the cohesion inside MSZP — without which, Szentpéteri Nagy says, MSZP would have collapsed. But when coalition between the parties ceased to exist, so, too, did MSZP begin to crumble.
SZDSZ was no longer wanted by anyone in the Hungarian political system by 2009-2010. Fidesz issued the party's death sentence and it "annihilated" SZDSZ.
"In contrast, Fidesz needs today's MSZP, and it needs MSZP in its current form," Szentpéteri Nagy said.
"Because this party is a cornerstone of NER without which the system does not work. MSZP will not die out because it is needed. This is precisely what the commonly cited term 'central power area' means. This term does not refer to the exercise of power or political system, it is a crucial feature of the party system, it intends to govern from the center. In order for this to happen, there needs to be one strong opposition party on the left and one on the right.
"The ruling power can crush either opposition. If one gets a little stronger, there are plenty of ways to weaken it — administrative and financial tactics, propaganda, and with political and legal machinations. This is the purpose of the election system. If one of these opposition parties becomes too weak, they are then helped because it is imperative that there be power on both sides. This shabby left wing is good for securing the left-wing balance. It is indispensable for this," Szentpéteri Nagy said.
According to him, it is not likely that Hungary will be able to rid itself of MSZP any time soon.
"Two things would help the Hungarian left and competitive multi-party system at this point. One such possibility is for MSZP to become so incredibly small and insignificant that it would just disappear on the trash heap of history, just like other institutional parties from the transition. The other possibility is to have MSZP grow so large that it lead the left-wing pole as an unavoidable motor for renewal, to dub itself a center for integration for the entire left wing. None of these things have happened yet. These haven't happened for six years."
The political scientist stops just short of comparing Orbán's political system to that of Russian President Vladimir Putin. While it is tempting to compare the two systems, Szentpéteri Nagy says such a comparison would not be just.
"Putin's party is a very large party. Essentially, it cannot be defeated," he says.
Szentpéteri Nagy says MSZP is not a party of convictions as much as it is a party that follows the whims of voters. In this sense, the party is being kept alive. Its popularity is not soaring, but it cannot really drop. In either case, "it is not MSZP that is dictating the tempo."
Regarding MSZP's dancing to Fidesz's tune on the refugee issue, and therefore inadvertently becoming an opponent to Pope Francis, Angela Merkel, and the European Union, Szentpéteri Nagy says the party is no different than the rest of the country.
"The entire country has come to oppose the migrants. Even MSZP's voters. Despite this, the government's decision to move forward with the referendum is incredibly risky. Getting four million voters out to the polls is no small task. That is why the level of hate-mongering has no bounds, an incredible amount of money and energy is being spent on this. But this also comes at an incredibly high moral cost. This campaign will one day be shown as part of a documentary on the History Channel," he said.
Szentpéteri Nagy dismisses MSZP claims that their message "is not coming across" in the media.
"What isn't coming across in the media? [Their] nothingness? Please, they are just waiting for this entire affair to blow over, they are waiting for October 3rd. Then they just want October 23rd to pass, then the new year, and then March 15th. Being an MSZP politician today is not a calling. It's an occupation that has occupational roles assigned to it. But this job is something that the system keeps alive."



Last Updated on Monday, 29 January 2018 12:56

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